登陆注册
9701500000050

第50章 《佃农理论》英语原著 (44)

Several things should be clarified. First, an assessment of the annual yield of land (not land value) was made two years later, but primarily at the request of the landowners, who apparently demanded such assessments so that they would have a fixed rental receipt as 37.5 percent of the assessed yield, in the expectation that high enough assessments would give them rental earnings as high as before the percentage reduction. The landowners should have known better, for the eventual official assessments were very much in the tenants' favor.[7] At any rate, these assessments were officially adopted in February 1952, and afterward there was little evidence of their being enforced.

Second, by "the order dated March 29, 1947" was meant the order of share reduction which had formally begun in a few provinces in mainland China. Since the nationalist government retreated to Taiwan, gradually from 1948 to early 1949, they have regarded Taiwan as one province of China proper. In April 1949, therefore, the promulgation and enforcement of the share reduction in Taiwan was regarded as a continuation of what they had started in mainland China. When the share restriction was first practiced in mainland China, it was largely confined to the provinces of Hupeh and Szechwan, and "the method adopted for determining the amount of the total yield of the main crops was based upon a joint report by the landlord and tenant."[8] This method was basically unchanged after the restriction was introduced to Taiwan in 1949, with share disputes investigated and settled by government officials.

And third, "The crops customarily accepted as payment of rent" obviously means any crop, provided that it is contractually specified to be planted or rotated. The word "main" in the cited article is apparently intended to restrict the form of compensating payment in which the landowner may share in all crops alike under the share restriction, since in some share contracts certain "cereals" cultivated by the tenant had not been shared by the landowner.[9] But we find no evidence whatsoever that this had been enforced. What in one farm had been contractually a "cereal" might be "main" in another. Furthermore, in farms adopting two to six years rotations with few repetitions of the same crop, all regularly rotated crops were "customarily accepted as payment of rent."[10]

From the above it is clear that the landowners' total rental receipts were not fixed, and therefore increases in tenant inputs are implied. What actually was fixed by law was the rental percentage of the annual yield.

But the conditions of sharing are quite different in the new act promulgated in June 1951:[11]

Art. 2: The amount of farm rent shall not exceed 37.5 percent of the total annual yield of the principal products of the main crops…The term "main crops" shall mean the crops most commonly grown or the rotation crops actually grown according to local farming practices, and "principal product" shall mean the chief article for which the crop is grown.

Art. 4: The standard amount of the total annual yield of the principal article of the main crop of a farm land shall be appraised, with reference to the grade to which it belongs.

Note that (a) the substance in Art. 4 was entirely absent in the regulations of 1949, and even in 1951 the future tense "shall be appraised" was used; and (b) the so-called main crops in this new act are equally difficult, if not impossible, to define, since any crop can be rotated. In fact, none of the additional provisions in this new act was put into effect, since, as was noted in chapter 1, the enforcement rules for the 1951 act were not set until February 1952, at which time another program of land reform was in the making.

What interests us here is why the changes in the official sharing method came about. The answer is clear. Chen's primary intention in reducing the rental percentage was to enforce a redistribution of income in favor of the tenant, which would serve as a political response to the exploitation-of-tenant claim which Mao Tse-tung used in his rise to power. But the landowners, under the share restriction, managed partially to restore their income by inducing more intensive farming, nullifying tenant gains. In early 1951, Chen had contemplated prohibiting the owners from requiring tenants to commit additional inputs, but this was never put into the law.[12] It had been expected then, that the owners would rush to sell their holdings to tenants at low prices because of the share restriction, thus resulting in more equal distribution of landholdings. But as was seen in the last chapter, outright transfers of lands to tenants under the share restriction were few. Thus, in June 1951, further restrictions were put on, intended to be enforced early in 1952. But it was soon realized that the new provisions would be overly costly to enforce, if it could be done at all. There remained one guaranteed way of redistributing income in favor of the tenants: to compulsorily purchase land from the landowners at low prices and sell it to tenants at the same low prices. This is known as the Land-to-the-Tiller program, elaborately drafted in 1952 and enforced in 1953, under which no private transfer of land is allowed.

The act of 1951, though not enforced, has since been publicized as if it had started in 1949, and indeed in most official sources the 1949 regulations are completely deleted. Writing in 1961, ten years after his own claim that the landowners' rental incomes were almost as high as before the share restriction, owing to the increase in output after the restriction, Chen changed his tone and asserted that the redistribution of income had been exactly as intended — a claim understandable as political propaganda.[13]

Turning to legal regulations directly restricting the landowners' inducing more intensive farming, the only relevant provision I can find in the regulations as of 1949 reads:

A limitation shall be set on the total area of both the leased farm land that may be taken back by the lessor according to the law and the farm land originally owned and cultivated by himself.[14]

同类推荐
  • 中国高层经济智囊

    中国高层经济智囊

    吴敬琏、周其仁、厉以宁等十二位处于政府与民间的夹层地带的经济学家,不仅面临公众舆论和官方压力,同时也需要面对内心良知的拷问。他们有着怎样的人生经历?他们是如何成为中国高层经济智囊的?在高层决策和人民利益之间他们到底扮演着什么样的角色?
  • 中国:大趋势大博弈

    中国:大趋势大博弈

    今后的形势发展,中国主权基金的角色与动向将备受瞩目……对中国而言,大国崛起最弱的软肋即金融,说得更明白些,即金融人才与金融机制。中国将如何就战略角度,从攻与守两方面,谋定而动,有所对应,将为国际所关注。华尔街的金融危机是世纪性的,中国的金融契机也是世纪性的。
  • 决胜数字时代(麦肯锡季刊)

    决胜数字时代(麦肯锡季刊)

    麦肯锡调研揭示了高管对创新的远大抱负与他们的执行能力之间的巨大差距。组织结构和流程不是解决问题的良方。随着全球化打破了曾经阻止公司实现全部潜力的地域界限和市场障碍,公司的创新能力——借助公司员工、合作伙伴、客户、供应商和其他各方的创新增值思维——成为名至实归的时尚话题。
  • 彭迪先全集

    彭迪先全集

    本书内容包括:战时的日本经济、实用经济学大纲、新货币学讲话、世界经济史纲、经济思想史、货币信用论大纲等。
  • 项目融资(工程管理)

    项目融资(工程管理)

    本教材介绍了项目融资的运作程序与框架结构、项目可行性研究、投资结构、资金结构、融资模式、融资风险的识别与评价、风险控制与规避、担保、保险、项目融资的法律体系与文件等内容。
热门推荐
  • 天语心宇

    天语心宇

    一个想不开的少年,发现自己可以和自己心中的天沟通,打破潜能,突破仙体!成就神命!道路坎坷,意志不灭!走进去,一探究竟!
  • 修仙表情包

    修仙表情包

    “我非常欣赏你,做我的走狗吧!”天魔跪了。“无形装逼,最为致命!”对手哭了。“出来吧,叼毛兽!”魔物傻眼了。敌人太多怎么办?一支穿云箭,千军万马来相见。带着神奇表情包,不纯洁少年开始了自己彪悍不讲道理的修仙人生。余辉口号——迟早有一天,我要用表情刷遍三千世界!
  • 天行

    天行

    号称“北辰骑神”的天才玩家以自创的“牧马冲锋流”战术击败了国服第一弓手北冥雪,被誉为天纵战榜第一骑士的他,却受到小人排挤,最终离开了效力已久的银狐俱乐部。是沉沦,还是再次崛起?恰逢其时,月恒集团第四款游戏“天行”正式上线,虚拟世界再起风云!
  • 重生现代蠢狐猫

    重生现代蠢狐猫

    这是一只有故事的“猫”,一只被当成了猫养的小奶狐。有朝一日,携辣鸡系统穿越现代。某·辣鸡系统·酥酥:别以为你是作者,我就不敢打你。莫可可:嗯?想打我家学姐(粮食),你给我过来,我保证不打你。……莫可可看着眼前的大猫,莫名有种同类感。大猫:“我才不想跟你有同类感,我是猫,你是狐狸!!”总而言之,这是一篇小白穿越现代吃吃吃走上人生巅峰的梗。我家猫崽子不白不甜不蠢,真的....莫名安静——某只:学姐?你是不是忘了我?嗯哼?(这是一篇古穿现的文,非诚勿扰,过去的时期对我来说都是古代,so看书别多说就成。)
  • 成实的不诚实怪异日记

    成实的不诚实怪异日记

    越是期待着怪异,便越会与怪异相遇。身为‘欺诈师’贝木泥舟的学生,成实深深地被怪异的世界吸引。深陷进去,而不可自拔。直到,连自身都化为了怪异。书群:331992941或者539432683
  • 秦帝烽烟

    秦帝烽烟

    江山代有人才出,各领风骚数百年!中国历史,不知出了多少可歌可泣的故事,又有几多风云人物。春秋战国时期,中国社会发生巨大的变革,高岸为谷,深谷为陵的时代,人们应该何去何从?百家争鸣,诸侯变法到秦统天下,灿烂辉煌!话说时间错乱,所有人处在一个时间、空间又会发生怎么样的事情,七国争雄,又会变的如何。或许就有这样一个地方,战国名将圣人齐聚一堂,又会出现怎样得故事。
  • 修仙走过的路

    修仙走过的路

    内容不一定真实,不过希望你感兴趣。不是一个勤奋的作者,但也希望成长,沉淀
  • 十步芳草

    十步芳草

    谁说书生百无一用,谁说文人手无缚鸡之力,这是一个属于文人的玄幻世界。文人之间的争斗不再只是口诛笔伐,他们能将声、光、热、电、力之自然科学,演化成为惊世骇俗的秘术,从此也不再有“文无第一,武无第二”之说。故事的开始,借盗墓人之口,爆出了东晋顾恺之的传世名画《洛神赋图》,实有上下两卷,现代广为流传的四个摹本均为上卷,而下卷则不足为外人道也。就这样,一个寻觅宝图的玄幻之旅,应运而生了。
  • 宝贝后妈很给力

    宝贝后妈很给力

    郑小叶一早醒来,发现自己被一个王子般的帅哥吃干抹尽,真是丢脸,正想要逃走,却听到男子说“你不是很想进天勋财团,做我儿子的后妈,一年后,我就让你做天勋酒店的总经理!四年,我把天勋酒店的股份给你,如何?”这么给力的条件,郑小叶怎么会不心动,于是就勉为其难的做个给力后妈吧!但这仅仅是个开始,宝贝不好带,而他的身边又有着太多的疑团……
  • 三系同修,腹黑太子逆天妃

    三系同修,腹黑太子逆天妃

    当来自21世纪的特工之王,穿越到一个懦弱胆小的废材身上,又会演绎出怎样精彩的人生?啥?双系职业你很拽,天赋出众你很狂?本小姐三系同修样样精通,天赋顶尖运气爆棚!看她如何凭一己之力,斩除鬼魅魍魉,登上异世的顶尖!只是,遇到了他,再硬的心肠都化为了绕指柔。他,是最强帝国的太子,身份神秘、实力强大。初见时,他救了她。再见时,他帮了他。是上天注定的缘分,亦或是今生割不断的羁绊?腹黑如他,逆天如她,又会携手谱出怎样华丽的篇章?